This article focuses on reconciliation as a process of strengthening Malaysian and Indonesian relations, specifically in the context of Southeast Asian regionalism. Malaysia and Indonesia have many historic interconnections and share many similarities in language, religion, belief and culture. Terms such as nusantara, the Malay world and bangsa serumpun, reflect their socio-cultural closeness and numerous familial networks work to bind the countries together. For the past 50 years however, their relationship has been unstable. As globalization has increased international interdependence, many nations have been encoraged to move towards a process of reconciliation to improve relations with their neighbouring states. Reconciliation is one of the strategies commonly used to resolve interstate conflict and is widely practiced in international politics. The eventual goal of reconciliation is to create an intimate and lasting harmony between the respective governments and citizens of neighbouring countries in the quest for prolonged peace. The process involves far more than signing an agreement; it works on developing a mutual understanding between governments and encouraging national programs that engage all levels of society in the process.
This article argues that political parties in post-reformasi Indonesia have been cartelized. They were only competitive before and during the elections and not after that. This is because all parties conspired with each other to form a cartel in government. As a result, reformasi which was expected by the people to bring about a change in Indonesian politics did not happen because cartelization resulted in no opposition that could help check increasingly widespread corruption and abuse of power by the government. The question is what are the main factors that led to the emergence of cartelization and how resilience is it? This article answers this phenomenon. Assumptions presented to answer the above questions are that financial need has prompted political parties to participate in the cabinet and the leadership in parliamentary committees. Their participation in the government has got nothing to do with ideological believe or party program, but is about protecting their financial resources.
The political and economic development was related apparently in the political and economic history of Terengganu. Since the first elections held in 1955 until the election of 1969, the people of Terengganu have shown their concern when choosing leaders whose they trust to develop the state, both physically and spiritually. This paper aims to assess the attitudes and sensibilities of the people Terengganu in assessing the performance and personality of the political leaders who have been elected to represent them. The discussion in this paper is centered on the political developments ranging from elections held during the period. This discussion is based on government documents and resources from private collections and the results show that the ruling party will be evaluated by their success in achieving the goals as promised in the election manifestoes. In the manifestoes of the political parties contesting, the economic aspect is one of the key issues highlighted to gain support. Hence, the focus of this paper is to evaluate the economic development of Terengganu and the performance of the ruling party. This study found that economic development and the performance of elected leaders is a priority of the people Terengganu in choosing their political leaders and it was show in the electoral boxes.
This article reviews the work and recommendations of the report of the Special Select Committee to Improve the Electoral Process which was established on 3 October 2011, with specific reference to the Improvement Report DR. 3 Year 2011 and DR. 1 Year 2012. Following an analysis of the above, this article also compare Malaysian electoral experiences with those of other countries in the region, and, as a result, concludes with recommendations to strengthen the electoral process in Malaysia.
All elected representatives in Malaysia represent a particular political party in the legislative assembly. As community, state and national leaders, political representatives have important commitments to the political party he or she represents, and an important role in Malaysian society. However, many issues and problems can occur in political parties that affect that party’s achievements and performance during elections. Political representatives thus have a major responsibility in internal conflict resolution and, the more capable a representative, the more able he or she is in leading that party to success. This article is based on the findings of a research survey and feedback questionnaire on the theme of elected representatives. Members of Parliament and State Legislature have been selected through purposive sampling technique. One of the conclusions to be drawn from the research was that problems tend to occur in political parties because of competition for party positions, especially over the related issues of money and leadership. Political representatives were also found to have faced problems when members and elected representatives leave the party at short notice, and where there is fierce competition from the opponents’ parties during campaigning. As responsible community leaders, political representatives have a huge responsibility to their respective party to handle those challenges effectively (Stilborn: 2002). If they fail in this challenge, the impact on the party will be detrimental to the election outcome. Therefore, the ability of individual representatives to negotiate problems and come up with effective solutions are key leadership’s qualities that all political representatives must possess.
This article studies the origin and role of the Chettiar community in Malaya from the eighteenth century to Malayan independence in the 1950s, with a particular focus on Chettiar society and culture and their trade relations with Southeast Asia since the "classical" period of South Indian history. The Chettiars have played a significant role as money lenders in Southeast Asia since the classical period and their role became even more prominent during British rule in India. However, pressures imposed on them by the British forced them to seek greener pastures in Southeast Asia. Their dominance in money lending and business activities has been attributed to a socio-cultural support system centred on the institutions of both the temple and the family, as well as to their culturally specific value systems and ethnic solidarity. This complete support system contributed to the accumulation of property which provided the main financial springboard for the Chettiar community to embark on their money lending activities in South India and Southeast Asia.
The 12th General Election has revealed drastic changes in the Malaysian political landscape, in particular the success of the opposition party (Pakatan Rakyat) in gaining control over several states in Malaysia, including Selangor. This success has enabled Pakatan Rakyat to govern at a state level, a commitment that includes fulfilling their campaign promise to return democracy at the local level before their five-year term ends. Nonetheless, the very fact of the five year’s ruling demonstrates that Pakatan Rakyat had previously failed to bring back democratic local elections in Selangor, in accordance with their promise they made at the 12th General Election. With regard to this issue, this paper attempts to identify the factors that have restrained local elections from being properly revived in Malaysia, specifically Selangor. The recent election result demonstrates that a number of factors have contributed to this failure, including legal constraints, the disapproval of the Federal Government, financial issues, and the reluctance of the Election Commission to properly manage local elections in Selangor. Furthermore, this paper also argues that a lack of consensus among Pakatan Rakyat members regarding this issue has indirectly hindered the restoration of democratic local elections in Selangor.
It has been argued that the end of the Cold War signaled the waning influence of Non-Align Movement (NAM). NAM had been considered a third force during the Cold War rivalry between two superpowers but after the war the movement appeared to lose its momentum and failed to achieve the aspirations of the Bandung Spirit conference of 1955, which called for political cooperation among newly independent Asian and African countries. This article discusses to what extent the Bandung spirit continues to inspire the NAM’s struggle for self-respect and self-determination among developing countries post-Cold War and analyses the major challenges NAM faces in reviving its status as a respected international organization representing developing countries in the current unipolar international political system. Finally, the article explores Malaysia’s part in reinvigorating the Bandung spirit among NAM member countries since the 1997 Kuala Lumpur Summit.
This article discusses the origins and historical development of the water supply between Johor and Singapore from 1904 to 1932. It reveals the events that preceded the formative stages of the water-supply scheme; analyses the 1927 water agreement and its implications; and examines the dynamics of water supply to Singapore before the Second World War. It demonstrates that the political framework underpinning the supply of water between the two countries has been determined in favour of Singapore as a matter of colonial legacy. Singapore has traditionally enjoyed a strategic advantage over Johor because the former was more developed, a fact that resulted in part from the British authorities’ prioritisation and promotion of the island as the seat of their imperial power in Southeast Asia during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. As a result, Singapore flourished, becoming more prosperous than her neighbouring states by generating surplus revenue from their economic resources on the strength of their capitalist framework. Consequently, Singapore was able to exploit the water deal to her advantage during the colonial period. Despite the importance of the water deal in the two countries history, it has not been discussed by historians whose writings tend to focus on water issues post-1961.
Jebat: Journal of History, Politics and Strategy, School of History,
Politics and Strategic Studies (PPSPS), Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities,
Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, 43600 UKM, Bangi Selangor, Malaysia.